By 十年砍柴

严重怀疑奥组委"借鉴"了《新京报》的创意。 《新京报》一周年的时候，搞了个声势浩大的庆生典礼，彼时这家京城媒体新锐，锋头正劲。全社员工合唱了他们自己创作的社歌，其中有一句"我们的纸包住我们的火"。吾一听大惊，对该报社的朋友说，这纸怎么能包住火呀？兆头不吉利。 果然几天后，《新京报》人事震动，南方北上的创业元老基本上出走殆尽，那一阵子，连"新京报"也成了敏感词，我因无心触犯，在天涯社区被封ID两周。现在，连对这句歌词亦有贡献的原新京报记者、诗人小牛，也去给德国鬼子打工了。 据媒体披露，2008奥运会的火炬设计方案，是纸中包住火。 看罢我又是一声叹息：纸哪能包住火。《新京报》殷鉴不远呀，怎的没有提醒？   张子庆：我个人觉得像烟嘴超长的过滤嘴香烟

铁路提速首日，广深线的"和谐号"就趴窝了，导致广深车站滞留乘客两千多人。广深线已是运作多年、非常成熟的城际铁路快线，前些时间还扩展成四线，而为了迎接"和谐号"，前段时间频密调试，影响正常营运，已经引起不少非议。

和谐号刚刚正式亮相，就出现了如此"不和谐"局面，实在尴尬。据说罪魁祸首是某国产部件出问题了，这也证明了不能神夸中国铁路事业的神速进步乃先见之明。广铁方面拼命公关，并通过宣传口径要求"不炒作"，以致凤凰卫视评论员何亮亮说，香港大幅渲染广深线"瘫痪"，而广深两地媒体低调处理，反映了两地不同的新闻观——何先生此言过矣，更准确地说，是香港媒体新闻观与内地新闻官的比较而已。

和谐号不"和谐"，本报街谈也就胎死腹中。不过也属于正常吧，本来"和谐"就是上佳的政治保护涂层，既可以未雨绸缪，堵死那些意图抨击采用日本新干线技术的FQ，又可以将"和谐"的政治恩泽惠及广大的民众。当然，D字头和谐号的票价飙升，已经让民众很不满意了，但是不要紧，在长途汽车和飞机航班之间，越来越多的"中产阶级"可能会选择"和谐号"出行，毕竟中国"地大物博"，旅游市场大得很呢。

最最担心的，还是安全运营问题。

在批评江平强制拆迁的主张时，薛涌这一句话也许是对的：受上千年陈腐士大夫传统熏陶的中国知识精英，在市场经济所引导的民主化时代是多么不合时宜。不过，打心底里，我更相信鄢烈山老师的判断，吴敬琏强调拆迁不能按照市场价补偿，问题就是学术良知还是学术自负?

他们遭受的批评已经够多了，尽管主流舆论仍然认可这两位"德高望重"学者对于中国经济改革和法治建设的贡献，但是这种"学术自负"确实让人失望。

有必要提起的是，在去年巩献田一封上书叫停物权法的时候，江平等人已经表现出"急不可待"的愤怒了。我能够理解，这样一部重要的法典，在中共16大召开前夕，已经与私产入宪/三个代表等并列讨论，似乎指日可待了。可是，他们这些法学家十多年的努力，仍然在焦灼着，直至贡献田这位马列主义者，引爆了他们公开表达的怨恨。

其实，江平他自己也表白了，尽管拆迁相关法律维护个人利益上存在漏洞，而且"公共利益"因为争论较多而未在物权法条文中清晰界定，但是，他始终坚持一点，那就是政府的正当决策必须得到尊重，他不希望看到物权法成了中国城市发展建设的巨大障碍物，我甚至觉得，他其实更关心这个已经立法的物权法，能否剔除执政官员们的顾虑——毕竟历经磨难才出台的立法，不想根基未稳就遭遇多方挑剔终究无所事事。

大概身为谋士，或者说体制中人，他们对于政府决策，包括高层里利益团体的各种明争暗斗了解太多了，同时也对民众的舆论力量没有信心乃至恐惧，所以，他们很传统地选择了"组织"，希望能够维持千辛万苦争取来的现有格局。

对于不同意见缺乏宽容，那往往是因为没有自信。

还有另外一个例证，那就是《经济学消息报》主编高小勇曾透露，因为他约请了老左派刘国光在报纸撰文，此举让"主流经济学家"很恼火，吴敬琏甚至打招呼，要求其他人抵制给该报撰文。无从考究，这样的说法是否属实，但是我宁信其有。自由经济学家可能觉得《经济学消息报》应该是他们的传统阵地，或许他们觉得高小勇发表老左一派胡言的文章，显得编辑水平太差不值得支持？

南洋商报的文章《对盗版的沉默》：
在这虚拟的世界里头，连可恶的过街鼠也成了逗趣的米奇。这是一种驯化的过程。我们待在这世界中看戏法，久了也就以为是真的。所谓的版权就是其中一种障眼法。商人都是魔术师，只要私欲一天存在，它就能偷梁偷柱，把攒钱的伎俩变成道德的规范。当我们看着孩子们天真的双眼，你怎么能说得清昨夜在夜市买翻版的行径？

http://www.singtaonet.com/life_op/200704/t20070415_514275.html

数年前，一媒体老总如此训导记者，政府审查以及限制文化资讯传播，中国"泛滥成灾"的盗版光碟恰是一个很好的社会自我纠正方式，从这方面看，盗版光碟具有"政治正确性"，请记者们不要自发去"调查"盗版商，有关部门组织的扫荡活动报道，能淡化就尽量淡化。

而今，中国不但加入了世贸，要按世贸规则办事，而且"大国崛起"之后的贸易顺差和外储暴增，更让知识产权成了中美之间的新争端焦点。此时，中国产VCD、DVD都成了廉价代名词，电脑多媒体也日益普及，开始有人反省说，中国混日子的青年都在玩网络游戏，而"有志青年"则把时间都耗费在光碟上。
不过，撇开中国大陆的政治审查因素，知识产权始终也是双刃剑，虽则可以保护创作者的权益鼓励创新，同时也阻碍文化资讯的自由传播——譬如香港对于影印书籍屡有争论，这些应该如何再争论呢？就像全球气候变暖议题，我们如何面对发达国家的指责？

HK govt focuses on enforcement in IP legislation
http://www.cw.com.hk/computerworldhk/article/articleDetail.jsp?id=409111

享受"皇粮"待遇，职能定位随之变革，这令中消协再次成为媒体聚光灯的焦点。一位作者认为：在我国，目前法律诉讼的交易成本较高，集体诉讼的制度尚不完善的情况下。消费者维权的真正困难在于事后的消费投诉与权力保障，在于如何对对不良企业进行有效的惩戒，而并非缺少所谓的"事前理性消费"。中消协从"受理投诉"的职能，转而以"消费预警"工作为主，消费者的事后投诉维权的条件又将会随之而恶化。
我对此不以为然，虽然他所描绘的消费者维权困境大体没错，但是如果认为中消协退位，必然令消费者维权活动更被动，其论述的大前提就是消费者过往维权活动中起到很大，这是值得探讨。
中消协退出"受理投诉"，但是地方消协的职能未变，如果认为消协真的应该向民间自治组织发展才能真正维权，那么在"消协中央"另立山头后，不见得就会弱化各地消协原有的"受理投诉"职能；其次，中消协不是法人组织，在维权活动中也只能担当劝谕者角色，而能起更大作用的，往往是媒体公开报道形成的舆论压力。
所以，我一再问他，是否考虑过中消协为何要做这种转变，是出于中协会自身组织的后续发展需要，还是追求更大的社会效应？他说，为什么要臆测中消协的算盘，谁知道他们壶里有什么货色？
我纳闷了，如果你不试图去理清这种变化背后的逻辑，岂不是简化了事情的复杂性，只是为了批评而批评，这样的时评能否让人信服吗？

新加坡外长杨荣文个人博客，值得推荐。他在今年2月举行的"The Future of China: Global Perspectives
and Strategic Lessons"论坛发表如下演讲，谈及他对中国文化/民主发展以及宗教的观察。全文参见其博客或我的收藏目录。

http://beyondsg.typepad.com/beyondsg/


与李岚清谈重新编撰清史
I think in 2003, they embarked on this project, 'The Official History
of the Qing dynasty'. When the former Vice Premier Li Lanqing was in
Singapore recently, I asked him about it. He said "we told the
scholars not to rush this project". I asked him how long it would take
to write this history. He said it would take many years, easily 10
years. I said, "have you collected the material?" He said yes. I
asked, "external sources?" He said yes, external sources too. All the
countries, the Vatican, European countries, the whole lot; all
assembled - 24 official histories, this would be the 26th. And Li's
instruction to them was not to be too quick to draw conclusions!



每次中国朝代更替/革命，均需从倒孔开始
The important thing to realise about China is that some things are
deeply resistant to change. Take Confucius. Every time they had to
overturn a dynasty, they had to overturn Confucius, because Confucius
justified the status quo. So throughout the 19th century, whether it
was the Taiping Revolution, the Communist movement or Sun Yat Sen;
they spent their lives debunking Confucius.

中国人相信法律只是实现正义的手段，正义自在人心
陈良宇受惩罚，但仅以此为鉴，以不影响大体制为前提


They believe, deep in their instincts, that law is only a means
towards justice, and that when the outcome of law is perverse, then
that law must be overridden, because justice, proper conduct, the
proper relationship among human beings must take precedence. So from
time to time when you hear about big corruption cases like the recent
one involving Cheng [Liangyu], the Party Secretary of Shanghai, it is
a big thing. And no doubt he will be made an example of, he'll be
punished, the people around him, yes, then after that the trail ends.
This will not be the New York State Prosecutor pursuing the legal case
to its logical limit. They will ask themselves, now what do we want to
do. This fellow has done wrong, he has to be punished and an example
has to be made of him, but the larger system has to be protected.
There are some who are involved indirectly, they need to be told off,
maybe disciplined, but you do not want to upset the order of the
universe. So their approach is a very different one, and they will
produce laws in vast quantities, on contracts, bankruptcies, foreign
investments, on this that and the other.

中国人本能意识到太多民主就会产生地方保护主义，庇护亲朋家族……
这也是亚洲人难于避免的——

They have that kind of instinct embedded in them, it is not Communist,
it is just Chinese. And they know that too much democracy, invariably
leads to 'localitis'; of favouritism towards friends, relatives,
people who are from the same villages whom we have a relationship
with.


So I mentioned at the table that for India, it's not a country that
can sustain a revolution, because its deep structure would not allow
for it. I think China is a country which can only be renewed through
periodic revolutions. Kishore asked me when- I said well maybe in 200
years time because these are long cycles and they expect as a matter
of course that the history of the People's Republic would not be
written by the People's Republic. It will be written by the next
dynasty. Except that right now they say we shouldn't call it a
dynasty, we are now democrats, we are a republic, there is no
Emperor…Well, whatever term you call it, it will be done much later.


中国崛起是否威胁邻国？
Is their intention to dominate, to conquer, the way the European
powers did in the past? I don't think so. I don't think there is a
great desire to turn non-Chinese into Chinese. Maybe Korea, maybe
Vietnam, maybe Mongolia, who at various points in time were part of
their greater empire, they might consider worth civilising. But beyond
that, Sinicising Indians, Russians? No, I don't think they will want
to do that. So as they now become stronger and more powerful, I
believe that while their old nature will re-assert itself, they will
also be reacting to us. If they find the world a threatening place,
they will develop their own responses to those threats.


新加坡外长杨荣文谈博客

2006-12-04 13:39:46

　　新加坡外交部长杨荣文最近在接受新加坡国际广播电台专访的时候认为，博客在社会和媒体方面，能扮演积极的角色；但是，一些特定的议题应该限于在主流媒体进行讨论。
　　杨荣文是新加坡第一个公开开设博客的内阁部长。杨荣文说："我不会在我的博客上讨论政策事务，因为那不是一个合适的渠道。我的博客只是晚餐或鸡尾酒会上的谈话，或者会议之后的讨论。我不会花太多精力来写博客。我的既定原则，我不会花很多时间写博客，不超过15、20分钟，我不会在博客上禅精竭虑，只是把成型的想法放在博客上。这样我就可以花较少的精力，维持博客的时间会超过期望。"
　　在谈到博客对新加坡民意调查方面，是否更能代表大众的情绪，杨荣文表示："其实，所有的沟通管道都会不断更新的，不然它们会变得老套，人们会觉得沉闷，翻来覆去就是同样的人。想要有效的沟通，你必须时不时地翻新或者尝试新的形式。这就像电视和报纸，你不能一直用一种形式，一种结构。对于新媒体来说，你一定要跟随潮流，不能往后看，只能向前看。"
　　当被问及"官方政策事务，应该保留在主流媒体层面，而不是博客层面，为什么你这样认为？"时，杨荣文说："这里有组织纪律。比如说，外交政策方面的交流，除非谈的是现行政策，如果是什么新的东西，或者有任何细微的差别，我就必须遵守组织纪律，与相关的官员厘清事实，外交政策不是个人政策，有些情况下需要内阁来明确。所以，博客不是一个制定政策的随便的方式，所以我要小心；要遵守纪律。"
　　博客在未来媒体中扮演的是什么角色？杨荣文说："现在还言之过早。这是一个突然崛起的新科技，科技变化得非常快。要紧的是，我们不能有一个预先的想法。五年前，没有人预料到博客会有今天的样子。五年后，受欢迎的表达方式是什么，没有人知道。重要的是，我们必须保持开放的心态。"
　　（来源：新加坡《南洋视界》）




与李岚清谈重新编撰清史
I think in 2003, they embarked on this project, 'The Official History
of the Qing dynasty'. When the former Vice Premier Li Lanqing was in
Singapore recently, I asked him about it. He said "we told the
scholars not to rush this project". I asked him how long it would take
to write this history. He said it would take many years, easily 10
years. I said, "have you collected the material?" He said yes. I
asked, "external sources?" He said yes, external sources too. All the
countries, the Vatican, European countries, the whole lot; all
assembled - 24 official histories, this would be the 26th. And Li's
instruction to them was not to be too quick to draw conclusions!



每次中国朝代更替/革命，均需从倒孔开始
The important thing to realise about China is that some things are
deeply resistant to change. Take Confucius. Every time they had to
overturn a dynasty, they had to overturn Confucius, because Confucius
justified the status quo. So throughout the 19th century, whether it
was the Taiping Revolution, the Communist movement or Sun Yat Sen;
they spent their lives debunking Confucius.

中国人相信法律只是实现正义的手段，正义自在人心
陈良宇受惩罚，但仅以此为鉴，以不影响大体制为前提


They believe, deep in their instincts, that law is only a means
towards justice, and that when the outcome of law is perverse, then
that law must be overridden, because justice, proper conduct, the
proper relationship among human beings must take precedence. So from
time to time when you hear about big corruption cases like the recent
one involving Cheng [Liangyu], the Party Secretary of Shanghai, it is
a big thing. And no doubt he will be made an example of, he'll be
punished, the people around him, yes, then after that the trail ends.
This will not be the New York State Prosecutor pursuing the legal case
to its logical limit. They will ask themselves, now what do we want to
do. This fellow has done wrong, he has to be punished and an example
has to be made of him, but the larger system has to be protected.
There are some who are involved indirectly, they need to be told off,
maybe disciplined, but you do not want to upset the order of the
universe. So their approach is a very different one, and they will
produce laws in vast quantities, on contracts, bankruptcies, foreign
investments, on this that and the other.

中国人本能意识到太多民主就会产生地方保护主义，庇护亲朋家族……
这也是亚洲人难于避免的——

They have that kind of instinct embedded in them, it is not Communist,
it is just Chinese. And they know that too much democracy, invariably
leads to 'localitis'; of favouritism towards friends, relatives,
people who are from the same villages whom we have a relationship
with.


So I mentioned at the table that for India, it's not a country that
can sustain a revolution, because its deep structure would not allow
for it. I think China is a country which can only be renewed through
periodic revolutions. Kishore asked me when- I said well maybe in 200
years time because these are long cycles and they expect as a matter
of course that the history of the People's Republic would not be
written by the People's Republic. It will be written by the next
dynasty. Except that right now they say we shouldn't call it a
dynasty, we are now democrats, we are a republic, there is no
Emperor…Well, whatever term you call it, it will be done much later.


中国崛起是否威胁邻国？
Is their intention to dominate, to conquer, the way the European
powers did in the past? I don't think so. I don't think there is a
great desire to turn non-Chinese into Chinese. Maybe Korea, maybe
Vietnam, maybe Mongolia, who at various points in time were part of
their greater empire, they might consider worth civilising. But beyond
that, Sinicising Indians, Russians? No, I don't think they will want
to do that. So as they now become stronger and more powerful, I
believe that while their old nature will re-assert itself, they will
also be reacting to us. If they find the world a threatening place,
they will develop their own responses to those threats.


新加坡外长杨荣文谈博客

2006-12-04 13:39:46

　　新加坡外交部长杨荣文最近在接受新加坡国际广播电台专访的时候认为，博客在社会和媒体方面，能扮演积极的角色；但是，一些特定的议题应该限于在主流媒体进行讨论。
　　杨荣文是新加坡第一个公开开设博客的内阁部长。杨荣文说："我不会在我的博客上讨论政策事务，因为那不是一个合适的渠道。我的博客只是晚餐或鸡尾酒会上的谈话，或者会议之后的讨论。我不会花太多精力来写博客。我的既定原则，我不会花很多时间写博客，不超过15、20分钟，我不会在博客上禅精竭虑，只是把成型的想法放在博客上。这样我就可以花较少的精力，维持博客的时间会超过期望。"
　　在谈到博客对新加坡民意调查方面，是否更能代表大众的情绪，杨荣文表示："其实，所有的沟通管道都会不断更新的，不然它们会变得老套，人们会觉得沉闷，翻来覆去就是同样的人。想要有效的沟通，你必须时不时地翻新或者尝试新的形式。这就像电视和报纸，你不能一直用一种形式，一种结构。对于新媒体来说，你一定要跟随潮流，不能往后看，只能向前看。"
　　当被问及"官方政策事务，应该保留在主流媒体层面，而不是博客层面，为什么你这样认为？"时，杨荣文说："这里有组织纪律。比如说，外交政策方面的交流，除非谈的是现行政策，如果是什么新的东西，或者有任何细微的差别，我就必须遵守组织纪律，与相关的官员厘清事实，外交政策不是个人政策，有些情况下需要内阁来明确。所以，博客不是一个制定政策的随便的方式，所以我要小心；要遵守纪律。"
　　博客在未来媒体中扮演的是什么角色？杨荣文说："现在还言之过早。这是一个突然崛起的新科技，科技变化得非常快。要紧的是，我们不能有一个预先的想法。五年前，没有人预料到博客会有今天的样子。五年后，受欢迎的表达方式是什么，没有人知道。重要的是，我们必须保持开放的心态。"
　　（来源：新加坡《南洋视界》）

http://beyondsg.typepad.com/beyondsg/


与李岚清谈重新编撰清史
I think in 2003, they embarked on this project, 'The Official History
of the Qing dynasty'. When the former Vice Premier Li Lanqing was in
Singapore recently, I asked him about it. He said "we told the
scholars not to rush this project". I asked him how long it would take
to write this history. He said it would take many years, easily 10
years. I said, "have you collected the material?" He said yes. I
asked, "external sources?" He said yes, external sources too. All the
countries, the Vatican, European countries, the whole lot; all
assembled - 24 official histories, this would be the 26th. And Li's
instruction to them was not to be too quick to draw conclusions!



每次中国朝代更替/革命，均需从倒孔开始
The important thing to realise about China is that some things are
deeply resistant to change. Take Confucius. Every time they had to
overturn a dynasty, they had to overturn Confucius, because Confucius
justified the status quo. So throughout the 19th century, whether it
was the Taiping Revolution, the Communist movement or Sun Yat Sen;
they spent their lives debunking Confucius.

中国人相信法律只是实现正义的手段，正义自在人心
陈良宇受惩罚，但仅以此为鉴，以不影响大体制为前提


They believe, deep in their instincts, that law is only a means
towards justice, and that when the outcome of law is perverse, then
that law must be overridden, because justice, proper conduct, the
proper relationship among human beings must take precedence. So from
time to time when you hear about big corruption cases like the recent
one involving Cheng [Liangyu], the Party Secretary of Shanghai, it is
a big thing. And no doubt he will be made an example of, he'll be
punished, the people around him, yes, then after that the trail ends.
This will not be the New York State Prosecutor pursuing the legal case
to its logical limit. They will ask themselves, now what do we want to
do. This fellow has done wrong, he has to be punished and an example
has to be made of him, but the larger system has to be protected.
There are some who are involved indirectly, they need to be told off,
maybe disciplined, but you do not want to upset the order of the
universe. So their approach is a very different one, and they will
produce laws in vast quantities, on contracts, bankruptcies, foreign
investments, on this that and the other.

中国人本能意识到太多民主就会产生地方保护主义，庇护亲朋家族……
这也是亚洲人难于避免的——

They have that kind of instinct embedded in them, it is not Communist,
it is just Chinese. And they know that too much democracy, invariably
leads to 'localitis'; of favouritism towards friends, relatives,
people who are from the same villages whom we have a relationship
with.


So I mentioned at the table that for India, it's not a country that
can sustain a revolution, because its deep structure would not allow
for it. I think China is a country which can only be renewed through
periodic revolutions. Kishore asked me when- I said well maybe in 200
years time because these are long cycles and they expect as a matter
of course that the history of the People's Republic would not be
written by the People's Republic. It will be written by the next
dynasty. Except that right now they say we shouldn't call it a
dynasty, we are now democrats, we are a republic, there is no
Emperor…Well, whatever term you call it, it will be done much later.


中国崛起是否威胁邻国？
Is their intention to dominate, to conquer, the way the European
powers did in the past? I don't think so. I don't think there is a
great desire to turn non-Chinese into Chinese. Maybe Korea, maybe
Vietnam, maybe Mongolia, who at various points in time were part of
their greater empire, they might consider worth civilising. But beyond
that, Sinicising Indians, Russians? No, I don't think they will want
to do that. So as they now become stronger and more powerful, I
believe that while their old nature will re-assert itself, they will
also be reacting to us. If they find the world a threatening place,
they will develop their own responses to those threats.


新加坡外长杨荣文谈博客

2006-12-04 13:39:46

　　新加坡外交部长杨荣文最近在接受新加坡国际广播电台专访的时候认为，博客在社会和媒体方面，能扮演积极的角色；但是，一些特定的议题应该限于在主流媒体进行讨论。
　　杨荣文是新加坡第一个公开开设博客的内阁部长。杨荣文说："我不会在我的博客上讨论政策事务，因为那不是一个合适的渠道。我的博客只是晚餐或鸡尾酒会上的谈话，或者会议之后的讨论。我不会花太多精力来写博客。我的既定原则，我不会花很多时间写博客，不超过15、20分钟，我不会在博客上禅精竭虑，只是把成型的想法放在博客上。这样我就可以花较少的精力，维持博客的时间会超过期望。"
　　在谈到博客对新加坡民意调查方面，是否更能代表大众的情绪，杨荣文表示："其实，所有的沟通管道都会不断更新的，不然它们会变得老套，人们会觉得沉闷，翻来覆去就是同样的人。想要有效的沟通，你必须时不时地翻新或者尝试新的形式。这就像电视和报纸，你不能一直用一种形式，一种结构。对于新媒体来说，你一定要跟随潮流，不能往后看，只能向前看。"
　　当被问及"官方政策事务，应该保留在主流媒体层面，而不是博客层面，为什么你这样认为？"时，杨荣文说："这里有组织纪律。比如说，外交政策方面的交流，除非谈的是现行政策，如果是什么新的东西，或者有任何细微的差别，我就必须遵守组织纪律，与相关的官员厘清事实，外交政策不是个人政策，有些情况下需要内阁来明确。所以，博客不是一个制定政策的随便的方式，所以我要小心；要遵守纪律。"
　　博客在未来媒体中扮演的是什么角色？杨荣文说："现在还言之过早。这是一个突然崛起的新科技，科技变化得非常快。要紧的是，我们不能有一个预先的想法。五年前，没有人预料到博客会有今天的样子。五年后，受欢迎的表达方式是什么，没有人知道。重要的是，我们必须保持开放的心态。"
　　（来源：新加坡《南洋视界》）

此前英特尔在中国22多年投资总额，仅为13亿美元。去年年底，在国际聚焦越南加入世贸组织引发的投资潮中，英特尔宣布在越南胡志明市投资13亿美元设立晶片组装厂时，《经济学人》也惊呼"这是英特尔在邻国中国历年投资额的总和"－据说英特尔原先拟分别在越南/泰国设厂，估计泰国军事政变以及社会主义越南拥抱资本主义的热情一并发挥作用，英特尔最终舍弃泰国而增加在越南的投资。　

英特尔销售主流技术已是65纳米，两三年后工厂投资，恐怕已经进入45纳米时代，也就是说给中国转移的技术可能相隔一两代的差距。即便如此，在素来流行的"中国威胁论"舆论中，也很容易引发"削弱美国竞争力"之担忧。

那么，英特尔为何能顺利到中国造芯片？

《亚洲时报》提供了一个很有意思的政治读解：
 　三月胡Ｊｔ访问俄罗斯，名曰庆贺中俄友好年，谈能源议合作；但是相比之下，两则同期关于美方的新闻更值得留意。

　　胡ｊｔ访俄前，美国参谋长联席会议主席佩斯将军(Peter Pace) 到访北京，他也是2007年访华的最重量级外国军事要人，自然获得空前开放的接待待遇。据说在3月23日商谈中，他与中国军方领导商谈了建立美中军事热线一事。舆论认为这是中美军方真正开始实质性交流的象征，美国军方近来也不再一味高调纠缠"中国威胁论"了，而是呼吁中方要加强透明性。

   对英特尔而言，自然希望通过巨额投资巩固与中国政府的关系，增加在政府决策中的话事权。国际IT电信巨头最头疼的，莫过于中国如今流行另搞一套标准，最瞩目的莫过于中国标准的3G——TD，虽然汉芯被证明是一个笑话，但是"龙芯"照样接踵而至，更早前倡议设中国的无线区域标准以驱逐WIFI，更是令英特尔焦虑——毕竟，中国市场如此之大，中国政府完全有底气通过设立各种各样的标准来制衡乃至降伏外国巨头，更别说，每个企业都有虎视眈眈的直接竞争对手呢。以英特尔为例，据说AMD2005年就曾向中方转让其所拥有的低功耗X86微处理器核心技术，向中国政府示好。

   事实上，中国多个合格城市的竞争，包括大连上海苏州等城市都积极加入角逐中，也给英特尔选择中国投资提供了更充分理由，可以狮子大开口。对于外界盛传中国政府可能给予英特尔最高10亿美元的鼓励性资金，英特尔撇撇嘴巴说，这都是惯例。

   说到这里，就更容易理解英特尔为何最终落户大连，显然这不单单是因为苏州、上海等地的成本因素，最终选址大连与曾担任大连市长的现任商务部长薄熙来不无关系。商务部，向来是最积极维护招商引资优惠环境的部门，英特尔此时不卖薄熙来的面子更待何时？

英特尔能否选择印度

印度IT工业基础不错，又有英语语言优势，而相信英特尔公司的印度籍高层也不少，按理说这都是英特尔选择印度的有利条件。

    而英特尔要找到一块合适地皮，势必难于避免拆迁这样的难题。印度的"经济特区"往往不成气候，全国各地像摊大饼一样，争先恐后铺开，但是各个"经济特区"往往不成规模，几十亩地也可能宣称经济特区——与其冠名与"经济特区"，更像是中国的经济开发区。因此，从"经济特区"设立的第一天开始就遭受舆论抨击，认为这种无序的工业开发侵占良田，而大量普通企业也争相迁入工业园借此逃避税收。而印度失地农民一旦被竞争选票的各类政党组织起来，与政府征地的执行人员冲突很容易恶化，往往会酿成血案。虽然孟买和德里机场衰败，甚至不如中国一个普通市的机场，但在2006年2月，就因为政府让私营承包商参与机场翻新工程，居然遭遇与政府结盟的共产党威胁说要组织罢工示威。